And it’s not because of America.
by Michael Rubin
Source: The National Interest
Change is coming to Iran, but it has nothing to do with either the U.S. withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (also called the Iran Deal) or the Trump administration’s sanctions regime . Indeed, while U.S. policymakers debate cooption and coercion at the best strategies to change Iran’s behavior, neither the Trump administration nor its opposition is prepared for the regime change Iran faces: The death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
The supreme leader is the ultimate power in Iran. Constitutionally, he is the commander-in-chief of the Iranian armed forces. Theologically, he is also nayeb-e Imam (deputy of the Messiah). While diplomats focus on Iran’s elected leaders and their appointees—President Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, for example—the supreme leader monopolizes all substantive decisions. He rules for life.
Khamenei’s life is nearing an end. In 2014, Khamenei had surgery for prostate cancer . Authorities used Khamenei’s account to tweet out a photo of the supreme leader in the hospital, likely an attempt to begin preparing the Iranian public for the inevitable. Khamenei recovered, but today he is 79 years old, and old age is taking its toll. So too is the legacy of a 1981 assassination attempt . When Khamenei dies—whether in a month, a year, or five years, the Islamic Republic will face an unprecedented crisis.
Iran’s Looming Succession Crisis
Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, there has been only one transition. Revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini died on June 3, 1989. American may remember Khomeini as an unrepentant revolutionary motivated by anti-Americanism, but he was also a man of deep religious credentials. When, in 1988, politics and theological disputes pushed Grand Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri aside, Khamenei became Khomeini’s deputy and natural successor. Khamenei was a compromise candidate, however, a weak man chosen because he was acceptable to major political factions. He never enjoyed the religious respect Khomeini had. When, in 1994, the Iranian government suggested Khamenei should be recognized by Shias worldwide as the top-ranking Shia scholar, he was basically laughed off the stage and forced to back down . Within the context of the Islamic Republic, however, Khamenei could derive legitimacy from being blessed by Khomeini.
The forthcoming transition will be different, however. While, in theory, the 88-member Assembly of Experts selects the new supreme leader, the 1989 transition shows that they are little more than a rubber stamp body, approving the compromise candidate the Islamic Republic’s various powerbrokers put forward. In the three decades since the last transition, however, the balance of these power centers has shifted. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), for example, has become far more powerful and controls well over 20 percent of Iran’s economy. Nor are many of the Islamic Revolution’s founding fathers left. Former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani died almost two years ago. Expediency Council chairman and former Judiciary chief Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi reportedly suffers from brain cancer . While Khamenei benefited in 1989 from Khomeini’s pre-death blessing, Khamenei neither has the standing nor the charisma to ensure his choice, whoever it may be, will survive the inevitable infighting.
It is all well and good for Democrats and Republicans to spar over the past and even the here and now. But it is the future that should most concern the Trump administration and its successors. There is no reason why there cannot be bipartisan consensus on a strategy to channel the inevitable challenge that Iranians will face upon Khamenei’s death into the best possible outcome for Iranians and regional peace and security. At issue is not only the threat of Iranian terrorism, its ballistic missile program, and stability in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, but also freedom for eighty-one million people, and the transformation of a pariah state with a dysfunctional economy into a financial powerhouse. With change inevitable for better or worse, let us hope that Washington will not be caught as unprepared as it now seems to be.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.